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Act/Support International Humanitarian Intervention in Burma --
calls including that of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD

Dear All,

    ***President Bush has the responsibility to protect the Burma's Cyclone Survivors***

The regime now says the death tolls top 78,000. They clearly have no capacity nor will to helping the survivors. According to U.N., 2.5 million has been severely effected and need urgent help. Many will die for lack of drinking water alone if not delivered right away. Paranoid by loosing the control of the country, the regime setup road blocks and prevent aid agencies and communities helping the survivors. French are invoking the "Responsibility to protect"  clause in the U.N. and also insists to deliver aid directly to the survivors instead of through the regimes as the much of the aid will end up in the hands of military elites and the army.  As usually, regime's enablers such as China are preventing effective international measures by the UNSC. So Ban Ki-moon is sending envoy -- approach proven greatly ineffective in dealing with the Burma's junta. Precious time is running out to save lives, and we need effective actions by the international community.

We therefore wish President Bush take immediate measures to deliver aid to save the dying survivors. Please review the following news/action calls -- including that of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, National League for Democracy, and act: Call your representatives NOW to Demand President Bush Act! 

Time is running out!

Thanks,
Nyunt Than
www.badasf.org
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1. NLD Calls for International Humanitarian Intervention (May 10)
2. USCB Action Call: Call Your Representative to Demand President Bush Act (May 15) 
3. BADA Action Call: Tell Bush you have the responsibility to protect (May 12)
4. NCGUB Says Ignore the Junta, Save Lives First! (May 9)
5. BADA says Burma's Junta Irrelevant; Deliver Aid NOW! (May 9)
6. NY Times: Myanmar's Junta Raises Cyclone Toll to 78,000  (May 17)

Many articles and editorials on the Responsibility to Protect:

The Responsibility to Protect and Its Application to the Situation in Burma (May 9)
http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/latest_news/1652

NY Time Editorial: Editorial: Shame on the Junta (May 14)
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/14/opinion/14wed2.html?partner=rssnyt&emc=rss

WSJ: REVIEW & OUTLOOK : Kick Burma Out of the U.N. (May 10)
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB121037607010681985.html

Time Magazine: Is it Time to Invade Burma? (May 10)
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1739053,00.html

Reuters: France urges U.N. council to act on Myanmar cyclone  (May 7)
http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L07810481.htm

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NLD Calls for International Humanitarian Intervention

Statement of National League for Democracy, May 10, 2008

National League for Democracy

No. (97/b) West Shwegondine Street

Bahan Township, Yangon

 

Special Statement 10/05/08The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is responsible for safeguarding as well as ensuring the longevity of the lives of the citizens of this country.

Presently, the authorities are hampering and obstructing the delivery of assistance from the international community, including the United Nations.  As a result, the number of deaths is growing with each passing day.  We, therefore, hold the SPDC responsible for the increasing number of deaths as well as for the diminishing security of lives and property in the country.

Hence, we, the National League for Democracy, which is mandated by the people, once again appeals to the international community, including the United Nations, to make use of all available means immediately to send experts and humanitarian assistance and start undertaking relief and rescue missions in Burma.

Since the United Nations has the responsibility to protect civilians, we urge it to practically come to the aid of the people of Burma


Saturday, May. 10, 2008
Is it Time to Invade Burma?
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US Campaign for Burma
May 15, 2008
The US Must Ensure Aid Delivery
Today! Call Your Representative to Demand President Bush Act

Dear Friends,

Our emails over the past few days have increasingly stressed the extreme humanitarian crisis that faces millions of Burmese right now.  The crisis is urgent and dire, and the waiting can no longer continue without costing lives. If we wait for the approval of the Burmese regime we will have to start shipping in coffins instead of food supplies.
 

Congressional leaders, Rep. Peter King (R) and Rep. Joseph Crowley (D), are organizing a letter to President Bush urging him to "work with the British, French, German, Danish and other supportive and regional governments to immediately intervene in the Irrawaddy Delta region of Burma to provide urgent life-saving humanitarian aid to the survivors of Cyclone Nargis."

Call your member of the U.S. House of Representative today and urge them to sign this letter to President Bush. It is really easy to do, instructions are below. Calling is the MOST effective way to get your Representative on your side quickly (call today - deadline is close of business today).

Call-in information:

1)Go to www.house.gov to find your Representative and contact information. Find the number for the DC office
2)Ask to speak to the person who handles Foreign Affairs
3)Ask the staffer to have your Representative sign onto the King-Crowley letter to President Bush - "Help the Burmese People Now".
4) Explain the urgency of the situation in Burma
5) Tell them why you care
6) Tell them in order to sign on to the letter they need to contact Adam Paulson in Rep. Peter King's (if Republican) or Greg Sheiowitz in Rep. Crowley's (if Democrat) office by the end of the day Thursday May 15th

An Overview of the Situation: It is now 11 days since the cyclone hit and nations are still talking and waiting for the Burmese regime to allow aid into the country and reach the most vulnerable population.  While the waiting happens, 220,000 people are still missing and aid agencies report that 1.5 to 2 million people are likely to die from disease and starvation if aid does not get in immediately.

The Burmese regime is cutting of the Irrawaddy Delta and not allowing aid agencies to distribute supplies. It is extremely troubling that, according to a World Food Program spokesperson, the trickle of international aid allowed to enter the country and reach the most vulnerable population amounts to less than 20% of the aid needed to stave off death from starvation and disease for more than 1.5 million people.

Reliable reports also confirm regime officials have been both selling international aid supplies in local markets and keeping the high-quality international food aid for themselves while dolling out low quality and, in certain cases, rotten food to survivors of the cyclone. International aid agencies operating in Burma warn that only 10% of the logistical staff needed to cope with the millions struggling to survive had arrived in the country 10 days after Cyclone Nargis struck

Food, shelter, water, and aid workers to help distribute aid are not getting in. The time for waiting is over.

Support 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi and the struggle for freedom and democracy in Burma.
Become a member of the United States Campaign for Burma today.

Were you accidentally subscribed to our e-mail list?
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The NCGUB is constituted and endorsed by representatives elected in the 1990 elections in Burma

Press Release May 9, 2008
NCGUB Says Ignore the Junta, Save Lives First!

We are extremely disappointed by the Burmese generals' total disregard for human suffering.
Latest reports indicate that international agencies have suspended airlift of humanitarian
supplies because the Burmese military impounded the relief packages from the World Food
Programme. The military's foreign minister has also announced that Burma only wants aid
and not foreign experts.

We would not have been concerned by the minister's statement if Burma had the capability to
deliver the urgently needed assistance on time. But the Burmese military neither has the
capability nor the expertise to meet the humanitarian demands of the day.

We are, therefore, deeply frustrated by the paranoiac decision of the Burmese generals as
well as the wrangling over procedural matters at the UN Security Council while people are
dying everyday in Burma. We appeal to all UNSC members to approach the issue from a
humanitarian point of view and prevent further loss of lives.

Of the estimated population of 54 million in Burma, a total of about 25 million people are
living in the five cyclone-affected areas. Irrawaddy Division, which bore the brunt of the
cyclone, represents almost 10 percent of the population and people are dying and in desperate
in need of help.

We appreciate the United States and France for their preparedness to assist the people and the
international community for trying its best through diplomatic means to cooperate with the
Burmese military in the relief efforts. These efforts, however, have failed and precious time
has been wasted. We believe that the time has come for the international community to
assume its responsibility to protect the lives of the people of Burma.

We, the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, therefore urgently call on
governments, the United Nations, international agencies, and in particular, France and the
United States which have demonstrated their expertise in saving lives when natural disaster
struck Indonesia and Bangladesh, not to ignore but to immediately initiate the deployment of
search and rescue missions and medical and relief efforts to extend humanitarian assistance
to the cyclone victims without waiting for the approval from the Burmese generals.
ooo

NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT
UNION OF BURMA
77 South Washington Street, Suite 308, Rockville, MD 20850 Tel: (301) 424-4810 Fax (301) 424-4812
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BADA Statement                                           May 9, 2008

BADA says Burma's Junta Irrelevant; Deliver Aid NOW!

Upon learning that the regime has seized the aid delivered by the United Nations agency, the Burmese American Democratic Alliance Today expresses strong outrage and urges the international community to immediately take swift and effective measures to deliver aid in any way possible. We strongly believe nothing should stand between the aid and the millions who are on the brink of death.

It has been nearly a week since the cyclone has devastated the area where nearly 25 million people live. The death toll is approaching 100,000 and 1.5 million more are believed to be staving. According to UNICEF, nearly 8 million child cyclone victims need immediate food and medicine.

The regime has refused to allow the United States disaster assessment team and aid into Burma. It has also repeatedly denied or has not issued visas for journalists and international aid agencies.

Therefore we call upon the United Nations, the Untied Sates and the International Community:

1)    To immediately enter Burma and deliver aid with or without the permission form the Burma's Junta;
2)    To immediately send the United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to Burma to access the situation in person.
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BADA Action Call: URGENT ACTION NEEDED
To Save Millions of Dying Cyclone Survivors In BURMA

Cyclone Nargis (and NOW the military
regime's refusal to accept aid) has caused:

   - 100,000 dead, 1 million homeless;
   - 8 million children urgently need food
     and medicine;
   - 1.5 million are starving and are dying;                                                                                                                                  

TELL YOUR REPRESENTATIVE NOW

Visit https://forms.house.gov/wyr/welcome.shtml to find contacts to your representative

To Contact President Bush and express "You have responsibility to protect". Therefore:

To contact Ban Ki-Moon and Express "You have responsibility to protect". Therefore,

To unify Burma Democracy Promotion Act 2007 in Congress and send to President Bush NOW.

Burmese American Democratic Alliance (BADA); www.badasf.org; info@badasf.org

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May 17, 2008

NY Times: Myanmar Raises Cyclone Toll to 78,000

By SETH MYDANS
BANGKOK — Myanmar's government almost doubled the official death toll on Friday to 78,000, two weeks after a huge cyclone ravaged much of the Irrawaddy Delta and the main city, Yangon. It also nearly doubled the number of missing to 55,917, and raised the number of injured steeply to 19,359, up from 1,403.

The revised toll began to approach an estimate by the United Nations of more than 100,000 dead. On Wednesday the Red Cross said the death toll could be as high as 128,000.

The United Nations estimates that 1.6 million to 2.5 million survivors are in urgent need of food, water, shelter and medicine.

The official death toll has been rising steadily. On Monday, it was 28,458; on Tuesday, 31,938; on Wednesday, 38,491; and on Thursday, 43,318. State radio gave no reason for the sudden spike in the number on Friday.

Relief officials believe that the toll is much higher than the government acknowledges, but they also say their own figures can be only rough estimates, given the scattering of bodies by towering waves, the chaos as people have sought food and shelter and the exclusion of most foreigners from the hardest hit areas. In addition, there is no recent census to rely on for a starting population point.

Major relief agencies have been frustrated by the government's refusal to let them put in place a large-scale relief operation or to send in their own disaster recovery experts.

The junta's closed door to most outside help contrasts with China's acceptance of relief teams from Russia, Taiwan and Japan after the enormous earthquake in Sichuan Province on Monday.

A modest amount of aid from a number of nations and relief groups is reaching Myanmar, but aid workers say it is only a small portion of what is needed to address a major disaster. They say that if emergency supplies do not reach survivors soon, many more could die through starvation and epidemic.

The cyclone, which struck early on May 3, devastated much of the fertile Irrawaddy River delta and ravaged parts of the country's main city, Yangon. The government said deaths in the city were far lower than in the low-lying countryside where most homes were of thatch and bamboo.

The country's military junta insists that it can handle relief operations on its own. Its propaganda mouthpiece, The New Light of Myanmar, has printed pages of reports and photographs each day showing military officers busy handing out supplies and comforting victims.

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France Suggests Helping Myanmar without Government Backing

Reuters
7 May 2008

France has suggested invoking a U.N. "responsibility to protect" clause and delivering aid directly to cyclone-hit Myanmar without waiting for approval from the military in Rangoon, the foreign minister said.

French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner told reporters on Wednesday the idea was under discussion at the United Nations in New York.

"We are seeing at the United Nations if we can't implement the responsibility to protect, given that food, boats and relief teams are there, and obtain a United Nations' resolution which authorises the delivery (of aid) and imposes this on the Burmese government," he said.

The United Nations recognised in 2005 the concept "responsibility to protect" civilians when their governments could or would not do it, even if this meant intervention that violated national sovereignty.

(…) The United Nations said on Wednesday it had obtained permission from the military government to fly emergency supplies to Myanmar, but aid workers were still waiting for visas to enter the isolated country.

(…) Kouchner, a long-time human rights champion, said the French, British and Indian navies had ships directly opposite the worst hit areas and were ready to help if Myanmar authorities gave the go ahead.

"It would only take half an hour for the French boats and French helicopters to reach the disaster area, and I imagine it's the same story for our British friends," he said.

"We are putting constant pressure on the Burmese authorities but we haven't yet got the go ahead," he added.

Source:
http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L07810481.htm
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9 May 2008 R2PCS Message on R2P and Burma/Myanmar

Responsibility to Protect – Engaging Civil Society
Web: http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org
Email: info@responsibilitytoprotect.org

Dear Colleagues,

In response to French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner's remarks earlier in the week, we have been reflecting on how the Responsibility to Protect relates to the current situation in Burma. We had drafted the response below, but we are eager to engage in further discussions to hear additional supporting or dissenting views. Please be in touch with any comments.

Many thanks,
R2PCS Project

The Responsibility to Protect and Its Application to the Situation in Burma

The R2PCS program has been following the situation in Burma as it relates to the Responsibility to Protect for the past year. The government of Burma's systematic commission of violations such as forced labor, forced displacement, rape of ethnic minority women and recruitment of child soldiers are a few of the many crimes that fit within the four crimes stipulated under the Responsibility to Protect: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing (for more on this, please see http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/pages/1182). This week, following Cyclone Nargis on 3 May and the resulting humanitarian emergency, French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner called for the use of the Responsibility to Protect. We believe, however, that the current humanitarian situation requires, first and foremost, attention to measures that can help the millions of people affected. Further, the current situation does not warrant the application of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine and in all likelihood application could be counterproductive to alleviating the suffering of those affected by the cyclone.

On Tuesday May 7, 2008, Kouchner said, "We are seeing at the United Nations whether we can implement the Responsibility to Protect, given that food, boats and relief teams are there, and obtain a United Nations' resolution which authorizes the delivery (of aid) and imposes this on the Burmese government." His comment has aroused concern both because it does not adhere to what governments agreed at the 2005 World Summit and because it equates the responsibility to forceful military intervention. We do not advocate using the Responsibility to Protect at the current time with respect to the humanitarian disaster following Cyclone Nargis, for two reasons.

First, we take this view because of the difficulty of establishing that the regime's actions before and after Cyclone Nargis constitute one of the four crimes to which R2P is meant to apply: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing.

Under Paragraphs 138 and 139 of the World Summit Outcome Document from 2005, governments and world leaders agreed that they have a responsibility to protect civilians from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. When a government is unable or unwilling to protect its civilians from these crimes, the responsibility to protect falls upon the international community to encourage and help the state to exercise its responsibility. If the State manifestly fails to protect civilians, the international community can act, first with peaceful measures (using economic, political, diplomatic, and legal tools) and with collective use of force through the UN Security Council under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, only as a last resort.

While the impulse behind Kouchner's suggestion is likely shared by those who first articulated the Responsibility to Protect - and by civil society groups concerned for the welfare of the affected people in Burma - governments agreed only to take action through the Security Council (and on a case-by-case basis) in the cases of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. Governments did not agree to take forcible action when governments refuse to assist or allow others to assist victims of humanitarian or natural disasters. Britain's UN envoy, John Sawers, clarified on May 8, 2008 the 2005 agreement "relates to acts of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and so forth, rather than government responses to natural disasters" and according to the BCC, Edward Luck, the Secretary General's Special Adviser, has argued that "linking the 'Responsibility to Protect' to the situation in Burma is a misapplication of the doctrine".

Although reports indicate that the regime has failed to protect its populations and is actually obstructing aid, the Responsibility to Protect as adopted in 2005 does not provide for the Security Council to act on the basis of neglect and obstruction. There could be a case that the government's failure to accept assistance will result in massive loss of life and crimes against humanity, but it will be difficult to meaningfully demonstrate "intent" of the government to commit these crimes, especially given reports that the government is now accepting limited and conditional support from the UN and several donor governments.

Second, Kouchner equated the Responsibility to Protect with forced military intervention, which is more likely to close than open doors for cooperation with the authorities in Burma. There is a deep misunderstanding about the Responsibility to Protect in the international community, as many governments misinterpret the emerging norm as a Western or colonialist intervener's charter. China, Russia and many countries in the Non-aligned Movement are fierce opponents of the Responsibility to Protect, and last year vetoed a Security Council resolution on Burma at a time when crimes committed by the regime could have been deemed crimes against humanity. In this political climate, applying the norm in Burma in order to force humanitarian assistance could be perceived as a ploy to bring about regime change. This most likely will not open doors for the delivery of aid, but instead might make the regime more fearful and more paranoid about cooperating with the UN and other countries. Urging military intervention as an application of the Responsibility to Protect is a counterproductive strategy that would not be in the best humanitarian interests of the people directly affected by the cyclone in Burma.

Many humanitarian organizations, including the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, have criticized Kouchner's interpretation of the Responsibility to Protect. The doctrine/norm, in its true application to the four crimes listed above, requires that peaceful means be exhausted prior to any use of force. As United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes said on 7 May 2008, "I'm not sure that invading them would be a very sensible option at this particular moment. I'm not sure it would be helpful to the people we are actually trying to help."

Rather than seeking Security Council action to forcefully intervene, which is likely to exacerbate the problems, urgent efforts should be made bilaterally so that humanitarian relief arrives unhindered.

WFM-Institute for Global Policy's R2PCS Project welcomes the thoughts and reactions of others in addressing this difficult situation.

For more articles on the Responsibility to Protect and the situation in Burma:

Editorial, The Boston Globe, "To Protect or Neglect in Burma":
http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/editorial_opinion/editorials/articles/2008/05/09/to_protect_or_neglect_in_burma/

Editorial, Concord Monitor, "Preventing a Second Tidal Wave of Deaths":
http://www.cmonitor.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20080509/OPINION/805090355/1027/OPINION01

Reuters, "China, Indonesia Reject France's Myanmar Push":
http://www.reuters.com/article/asiaCrisis/idUSN08518240

Ramesh Thakur, The Globe and Mail, "Should the UN Invoke the 'Responsibility to Protect'?":
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080508.wcoprotect08/BNStory/specialComment/home

Lloyd Axworthy and Allan Rock, The Globe and Mail, Letter to the Editor, "Responsibility to Protect? Yes":
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/Page/document/v5/content/subscribe?user_URL=http://www.theglobeandmail.com%2Fservlet%2Fstory%2FLAC.20080509.COLETTS09-1%2F%2FTPStory%2FComment&ord=2062619&brand=theglobeandmail&force_login=true

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NY Times Editorial: Shame on the Junta

Published: May 14, 2008
 
After Cyclone Nargis devastated Myanmar, killing tens of thousands of people, the world rushed to offer help. Most governments would be grateful. Not this one. A week and a half later, the country's ruling generals are still blocking large-scale foreign aid. That negligence could lead to the death of tens of thousands more.
It took far too long and far too many pleadings before the junta agreed to let any international relief planes land. The generals — who have brutally shut the country off from the rest of the world for more than 40 years — also finally allowed in a team of disaster experts to assess the damage. But the junta has approved only 34 of 100 visas sought by international relief workers and has insisted that only its own five army helicopters transport supplies to isolated delta regions.

The result? Relief supplies are reaching at best only one-third of those in desperate need of food, water and medical attention. American ships — with helicopters and hospital facilities — are nearby ready to help, but barred by the junta from doing so.

There is a growing debate about whether this obstruction amounts to a crime against humanity, one that requires the United Nations to forcibly deliver relief supplies under its "responsibility to protect" principle. The European Union's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, has suggested the United Nations use "all means" to help the victims. How that would happen is unclear.

The Security Council should condemn the junta's callous disregard of its own people and step up the pressure on the generals to open the country immediately to relief efforts. If the junta still resists, the United States and other countries must begin airdrops of supplies.

China — which sells arms to and has major energy investments and other deals in Myanmar — may be the only one the generals will listen to. Beijing must stop blocking Security Council action and use all its influence to press the junta to open up the country to relief efforts.

China has now suffered its own horror, the earthquake in Sichuan Province that also has killed untold thousands. It appears to be handling it responsibly — quickly mobilizing the military for rescue work, allowing full media coverage and welcoming offers of assistance. It should press Myanmar's generals to do the same, before there are no more victims left to save.
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Time Magazine: Is it Time to Invade Burma?
 
By Romesh Ratnesar

The disaster in Burma presents the world with perhaps its most serious humanitarian crisis since the 2004 Asian tsunami. By most reliable estimates, close to 100,000 people are dead. Delays in delivering relief to the victims, the inaccessibility of the stricken areas and the poor state of Burma's infrastructure and health systems mean that number is sure to rise. With as many as 1 million people still at risk, it is conceivable that the death toll will, within days, approach that of the entire number of civilians killed in the genocide in Darfur.
So what is the world doing about it? Not much. The military regime that runs Burma initially signaled it would accept outside relief, but has imposed so many conditions on those who would actually deliver it that barely a trickle has made it through. Aid workers have been held at airports. UN food shipments have been seized. US naval ships packed with food and medicine idle in the Gulf of Thailand, waiting for an all-clear that may never come.

Burma's rulers have relented slightly, agreeing Friday to let in supplies and perhaps even some foreign relief workers. The government says it will allow a US C-130 transport plane to land inside Burma Monday. But it's hard to imagine a regime this insular and paranoid accepting robust aid from the US military, let alone agreeing to the presence of US Marines on Burmese soil — as Thailand and Indonesia did after the tsunami. The trouble is that the Burmese haven't shown the ability or willingness to deploy the kind of assets needed to deal with a calamity of this scale — and the longer Burma resists offers of help, the more likely it is that the disaster will devolve beyond anyone's control. "We're in 2008, not 1908," says Jan Egeland, the former U.N. emergency relief coordinator. "A lot is at stake here. If we let them get away with murder we may set a very dangerous precedent."
 
That's why it's time to consider a more serious option: invading Burma. Some observers, including former USAID director Andrew Natsios, have called on the US to unilaterally begin air drops to the Burmese people regardless of what the junta says. The Bush Administration has so far rejected the idea — "I can't imagine us going in without the permission of the Myanmar government," Defense Secretary Robert Gates said Thursday — but it's not without precedent: as Natsios pointed out to the Wall Street Journal, the US has facilitated the delivery of humanitarian aid without the host government's consent in places like Bosnia and Sudan.
 
A coercive humanitarian intervention would be complicated and costly. During the 2004 tsunami, some 24 US ships and 16,000 troops were deployed in countries across the region; the mission cost the U.S. $5 million a day. Ultimately, the US pledged nearly $900 million to tsunami relief. (By contrast, it has offered just $3.25 million to Burma.) But the risks would be greater this time: the Burmese government's xenophobia and insecurity make them prone to view US troops — or worse, foreign relief workers — as hostile forces. (Remember Black Hawk Down?) Even if the U.S. and its allies made clear that their actions were strictly for humanitarian purposes, it's unlikely the junta would believe them. "You have to think it through — do you want to secure an area of the country by military force? What kinds of potential security risks would that create?" says Egelend. "I can't imagine any humanitarian organization wanting to shoot their way in with food."
 
So what other options exist? Retired General William Nash of the Council on Foreign Relations says the US should first pressure China to use its influence over the junta to get them to open up and then supply support to the Thai and Indonesian militaries to carry out relief missions. "We can pay for it — we can provide repair parts to the Indonesians so they can get their Air Force up. We can lend the them two C-130s and let them paint the Indonesian flag on them," Nash says. "We have to get the stuff to people who can deliver it and who the Burmese government will accept, even if takes an extra day or two and even if it's not as efficient as the good old US military." Egeland advocates that the UN Security Council take punitive steps short of war, such as freezing the regime's assets and issuing warrants for the arrest of individual junta members if they were to leave the country. Similar measures succeeded in getting the government of Ivory Coast to let in foreign relief teams in 2002, Egelend says.
 
And if that fails? "It's important for the rulers to know the world has other options," Egeland says. "If there were, say, the threat of a cholera epidemic that could claim hundreds of thousands of lives and the government was incapable of preventing it, then maybe yes — you would intervene unilaterally." But by then, it could be too late. The cold truth is that states rarely undertake military action unless their national interests are at stake; and the world has yet to reach a consensus about when, and under what circumstances, coercive interventions in the name of averting humanitarian disasters are permissible. As the response to the 2004 tsunami proved, the world's capacity for mercy is limitless. But we still haven't figured out when to give war a chance.